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A Concise History of the Ketocton Baptist Association (1808)
The method pursued by the Baptist for redress of their grievances.
WE come now to give the reader, some account of our proceedings, in order to extricate, and relieve ourselves from those grievous burthens under which we have been long laboring.
Burthens they were, very sensibly felt, and truly afflicting in their nature, to be compelled to pay our proportion of an exorbitant salary to the person of the parish, whom we never went to hear, and knew full well it was to little purpose to go to hear with any prospect of being profited; to aid in building stately edifices, improperly called churches, and the furnishing such churches with vessels and furniture fit for a magnificent parade, and all this was collected by authority, and must be had if it took the last mite -the ruling power not contented here, but undertook to prescribe rules for our conscience and say in what way we should worship, or incur the penalty they thought proper to inflict.
All this considered, it was thought full time to struggle hard for liberty but as we were few in number in this association, and but few Baptists in anyone place; being scattered throughout the state, it was thought most advisable for the Baptists to form and cultivate an acquaintance with each other, that their united efforts, by way of petition, might have greater weight with the legislature of Virginia.
This made way, for what has been called, the Baptist committee. This committee was composed of persons chosen by the different associations within this state -each association having a right to send four members of her body, or fewer if she thought proper; each association having nominated their messengers, it was common for them to meet once in the year, in general committee: the place of their meeting was intended to be the centre of the state, or thereabouts, that it might be rendered convenient to every part: when met, they by letter or in some way, signified they had been chosen by the association to which they belonged, as their messengers -they then proceeded to a choice of moderator and clerk, and then considered themselves organized for business, and the discharge of their trust.
It was never intended by the churches, that this committee was to exercise a lordly power over the churches, or have anything to do with her internal government, nor infringe on the right of independence in church government; nor to enforce systems of doctrine or creeds, nor direct in discipline.
But the intent in forming a committee was to guard our privileges as a society distinct from all others, who call themselves Christians -to draw up petitions and present them to the legislature, for the removal of our burthens, and the extension of our privileges; to remonstrate against oppressive laws in order to get them repealed -and to conduct and aim in every possible way, to secure our just rights and liberties, with others of our countrymen and fellow citizens.
This mode appeared most convenient, and likely to be most successful; for when the different district associations over the whole state sent their messengers to committee, the wisdom of the whole centered in one body; information was obtained by this means whether the spirit of persecution continued to rage, or whether it was moderating; whether any leading characters had espoused our cause, and appeared inclined to advocate our liberties; whether the face of things bore a pleasing aspect, or whether we might not set down with dejection of mind, apprehensive that we should never succeed in obtaining our just rights.
By means of this committee when petitioning was thought necessary, or remonstrance, or memorial, it was done by the authority and the name of the committee, on behalf of the Baptists in general; but this was not always the case -for sometimes the substance of the petition was of great importance to great numbers of the people, and it was necessary their concurrence or disapprobation should be known, in which case a petition was drawn up by the general committee, a copy of which was bore to the different parts of the state; this gave an opportunity to the inhabitants of examining the purport of such petition, and signify their approbation by signing of it -for great numbers gave weight to a petition in the house of assembly.
The Baptists having labored under oppression for a long time, inclined them to seek redress, as soon as a favorable opportunity offered. In the year 1776, they united in a petition to the assembly of Virginia, stating the several grievances they labored under, requesting a repeal of all such laws as might occasion an odious distinction among citizens, laws securing to some exclusive privileges and emoluments, and inflicting distressing burthens, and partial, narrow, limited privileges to others; this petition the Baptists were determined to persevere in presenting to the assembly, till such times they were attended to, and they rescued from the hand of oppression, and their just liberties secured to them -and it appeared at that juncture the most favorable opportunity offered that had ever been, a time when nation was struggling for civil liberty, and casting off British tyranny, a time of aiming to support their independence, and relieving of themselves from monarchical usurpation.
It became a common saying about this time, "united we stand, divided we fall;" there was a necessity for an unanimity among all ranks, sects and denominations of people; when we had to withstand a powerful nation and expel her by force of arms, or submit to her arbitrary measures, and the state legislature become sensible that a division among the people would be fatal to this country; but the assembly being chiefly of the Episcopalian order, and being in the habit heretofore of governing with rigor, it was with great reluctance they could pass
a law favorable to dissenters, and raise them upon a level with themselves. What inclined dissenters to be more anxiously engaged for their liberty was, that if time passed away and no repeal of those injurious laws, and the nation to which we belonged succeeded in supporting their independence, and our government settled down with these old prejudices in the hearts of those in power, and an establishment of religion survive our revolution, and religious tyranny raise its banners in our infant country -
It would leave us to the sore reflection, what have we been struggling for? For what have we spent so much treasure? Why was it that from sentiment we united with our fellow citizens in the cause of civil liberty? Girded on our sword or took our musket on our shoulder, endured the hardships of a tedious war? Why clash to arms? Why hear the heart-affecting shrieks of the wounded, and the awful scene of garments enrolled in blood, together with the entire loss of many of our relations, friends, acquaintances and fellow citizens -and after all this, to be exposed to religious oppression, and the deprivation of the rights of conscience, in the discharge of the duties of religion, in which we are accountable to God alone and not to man?
The consideration of these things, stimulated and excited the Baptists in Virginia to use every effort, and adopt every measure embracing that particular crisis as the fittest time to succeed, which if past by might never offer again, and they and their posterity remain in perpetual fetters under an ecclesiastic tyranny.
The business then was to unite as an oppressed people in using our influence, and give our voice, in electing members of the state legislature; members favorable to religious liberty and the rights of conscience. Although the Baptists were not numerous, when there was anything near a division among the other inhabitants in a county, the Baptists together with their influence gave a cast to the scale, by which means many a worthy and useful member was lodged in the house of assembly, and answered a valuable purpose there.
Pursuant to their determined resolution the Baptists prepared their petition to present to the assembly, or rather instructions what we the people would have them do as our servants -for times had altered, we were addressing fellow citizens, and not a nobility. That we might the better be prepared to address the state legislature, petitions were circulated in every direction to the extremities of the state; the Presbyterians concurred with us, for they had in some respect been alike sufferers, and numbers of the Episcopalians had become sensible of the injustice with which we had been treated, and afforded their aid by signing our petition -so that when our address was presented in the house of assembly, the number of signers was found about ten thousand -and for the first time obtained a successful hearing, and by act of assembly, establishment of religion in part, was abolished so far as it respected compulsory measures to pay the parson's salary of sixteen thousand pounds of tobacco a year, and secured to every denomination the right of worshipping God according to the dictates of their own conscience, and that no person was to suffer in his person nor property on the account of his religious tenets, nor be prevented in the free exercise of them.
In this situation things continued for a number of years -the Episcopalian party appeared distressed, no provision by law to compel the people to pay for the support of religion, of course the clergy would come to want, the church would fall down, and scarce a trace of religion appear in a little time. Things being in this state, wore a disagreeable aspect; as a remedy for this disease, and the removal of this supposed consumption, a bill was brought into the house of assembly, and passed; the purport of which was to recommend to the people or inhabitants of this state, to maturely consider the necessity, expediency, and utility of a general assessment, and make up their minds and decide upon it, and signify at their next session their approbation or disapprobation, and thereby the public voice be manifest. Here note, this general assessment was for the support of religion, and should a law pass on that subject, it was intended to compel or oblige all and every individual to pay some preacher or other, only the person paying might have a choice and say to whom, but they were to pay at all events; if they had an objection to Christianity and were avowed infidels they were to pay, and should a Christian not have his choice of preacher, in the parish or district in which himself lived, he must pay, if the appropriation was for the support of free schools, etc.
Here again the Baptists considered themselves under the necessity of appearing on the public theatre and express their disapprobation to the above proposition, and use their influence to prevent its passing into a law, and that for the following reasons: -
First, it was contrary to their principles and avowed sentiments, the making provision for the support of religion by law, that the distinction between civil and ecclesiastical governments ought to be kept up without blending them together, that Christ Jesus hath given laws for the government of His kingdom and direction of His subjects, and gave instruction concerning collections for the various purposes of religion, and therefore needs not legislative interference.
Secondly, should a legislative body undertake to pass laws for the government of the church, for them to say what doctrines shall be believed, in what mode worship shall be performed, and what the sum collected shall be, what a dreadful precedent it would establish -for when such a right is claimed by a legislature, and given up by the people, by the same rule that they decide in one instance they may in every instance. Religion in this, is like the press, if government limits the press, and says this shall be printed, and that shall not, in the event it will destroy the freedom of the press -so when legislatures undertake to pass laws about religion, religion loses its form, and Christianity is reduced to a system of worldly policy.
Thirdly, it has been believed by us, that that almighty power that instituted religion, will support His own cause; that in the course of divine providence events will be overruled, and the influence of grace on the hearts of the Lord's people will incline them to afford and contribute what is necessary for the support of religion, and therefore there is no need for compulsory measures.
Fourthly, it would give an opportunity to the party that were most numerous, (and of course) possessed the ruling power.
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